Urodnjavanje javnih politika u Srbiji 2000‒2014: politike podrške porodici u kontekstu evropskih integracija

Abstract

U poslednjih tridesetak godina došlo je do značajnog napretka u ostvarivanju rodne ravnopravnosti i prava žena na svetskom nivou. Međutim, rodni jaz u oblasti ekonomske i političke ravnopravnosti još predstavlja poseban izazov za globalni razvoj, ravnopravnu raspodelu resursa, kao i sprečavanje rodno zasnovanog nasilja i diskriminacije. Položaj žena u Srbiji prati pokazatelje na svetskom nivou i bez obzira na socijalističko nasleđe, učešće žena u javnoj sferi rada i politike još uvek je veliki izazov za razvoj i modernizaciju društva, kao i za feminističku teoriju i praksu. U teorijskom smislu teza se oslanja na feminističku kritiku koncepta liberalnog građanstva i rodne podele rada na javnu sferu koja pripada muškarcima, i privatnu koja pripada ženama. Praktične posledice ove podele utiču na položaj žena u javnoj, ali i privatnoj sferi, uživanje prava na ravnopravnost, život bez nasilja i diskriminacije. Upravo zato je tranformacija rodnog režima u sferi privatnosti i porodice poseban izazov za sve aktere koji učestvuju u kreiranju javnih politika, jer mogu da utiču na menjanje patrijahalnih rodnih uloga i obrazaca, ali i na njihovo jačanje. Stoga politike podrške porodici predstavljaju važan predmet proučavanja rodnih teorija i feminističke prakse, posebno u kontekstu slabljenja države blagostanja i redefinisanja koncepta nege u globalnoj ekonomiji. U radu ispitujem načine na koji javne politike i zakonodavstvo u Srbiji od 2000. do 2014. regulišu rodne odnose u domenu porodičnog života i na koji način te intervencije doprinose rodnoj ravnopravnosti, odnosno smanjenju rodne diskriminacije. Promene u diskursu i praksi politika podrške porodici posmatram u periodu od četrnaest godina (2000‒2014), koji predstavlja početni period društvene, političke i ekonomske tranzicije u Srbiji koja je diskurzivno neodvojiva od evropskih integracija. Politike podrške porodici predstavljaju strateške i zakonske mere kojima se reguliše i olakšava roditeljstvo i briga o zavisnim članovima porodice (finansijske olakšice za porodice sa decom, ostvarivanje prava i pristup različitim servisima brige i nege), kao i mere koje regulišu tržište rada kako bi se povećala zaposlenost i zaštitile porodice sa decom od nezaposlenosti i siromaštva (posebna zaštita trudnica, porodilja i majki sa decom, usklađivanje porodičnog i poslovnog života, roditeljsko odsustvo zbog brige o detetu, fleksibilni oblici rada, ali i mere zapošljavanja teško zapošljivih kategorija stanovništva u oblasti nege). U radu zastupam tezu da se proces formulisanja pravnog i strateškog okvira politika podrške porodici nalazi pod uticajem nekoliko faktora. Ti faktori su, pre svega, globalna neoliberalna ekonomska, društvena i politička tranzicija od države blagostanja ka državi rada, kao i odgovora regionalnih (Evropska unija), odnosno lokalnih/poluperiferijskih (Srbija) rodnih režima na ove procese. Stoga je fokus rodne analize politika podrške porodici na potencijalnom „iskrivljavanju i proširivanju” značenja rodne ravnopravnosti (Lombardo et al., 2009), kao i u mehanizmima uključenosti i isključenosti „glasa“ pojedinih aktera u proces odlučivanja o specifičnim okvirima ovih politika. Takođe, kreiranje javnih politika u privatnoj sferi posmatram i u okviru primene koncepta interesekcionalnosti (Crenshaw 1989) i kritičkih studija maskuliniteta (Hearn 2004). U istraživanju posebnu pažnju posvećujem preduslovima i kriterijumima primene strategije urodnjavanja u kreiranju javnih politika (Verloo 2001). Kritički se osvrćem na recepciju i primenu strategije urodnjavanja u Srbiji, imajući u vidu njen transformativni potencijal s jedne strane, a sa druge tehnokratsko-birokratski pristup kreatora politika i donosilaca odluka. U disertaciji posebno analiziram ko-optiranje urodnjavanja sa drugim ciljevima javnih politika koje često ne moraju imati za cilj rodnu ravnopravnost, već na primer, konkurentnost na tržištu rada ili povećanje stope nataliteta. Primenu urodnjavanja analizirala sam u okviru koncepta državnog feminizma (MacBride and Mazur 2010) i procesa evropeizacije, a u kontekstu postkonfliktnog, post-socijalističkog društva poluperiferije u Srbiji (Blagojević 2009). Disertacija nudi uvid u procese, institucije i kriterijume koje je potrebno ispuniti kako bi se tranformisali rodni režimi i otklonila rodna diskriminacija i u privatnoj i javnoj sferi. Rezultati istraživanja mogu biti od koristi donosiocima odluka i kreatorima politika u primeni informisanih odluka prilikom uobličavanja politika podrške porodici u Srbiji.

Over the past thirty years there has been significant progress in achieving gender equality and women's rights world-wide. However, the gender gap in the area of economic and political equality still poses a special challenge to global development, the equal distribution of resources, and the prevention of gender-based violence and discrimination. The position of women in Serbia is part of this global trend and regardless of socialist history, women's participation in the public sphere of work and politics is still a major challenge for the development and modernization of society, as well as for feminist theory and practice. Theoretically, the thesis relies on a feminist critique of the concept of liberal citizenship and the gender division of labor, where the public sphere is belonging to men, and private to women. The practical consequences of this division affect the position of women in the public as well as the private sphere, the enjoyment of the right to equality, life without violence and discrimination. That is precisely why the transformation of the gender regime in the sphere of privacy and family is a particular challenge for all actors involved in the creation of public policies, as they can influence the changing or strengthening of patriarchal gender roles and patterns. Therefore, family support policies are an important subject of the study of gender theories and feminist practice, especially in the context of the weakening of the welfare state and the redefinition of the concept of care in the global economy. In the thesis, I am examining the ways in which public policies and legislation in Serbia regulate gender relations in the domain of family life from 2000 to 2014 and how these interventions contribute to gender equality and to the reduction of gender discrimination. I study changes in discourse and practice of family policies for a period of fourteen years (2000-2014), which represents the beginning of social, political and economic transition in Serbia that is discursively inseparable from European integration. Family policies are strategic and legal measures that regulate and facilitate parenting and care for dependent family members (financial relief for families with children, exercising rights and access to various care and care services), as well as measures regulating the labor market to increase employment and protection of families with children from unemployment and poverty (special protection of pregnant women, maternity and mothers with children, reconciliation of family and work life, parental leave due to child care, flexible working practices, as well as employment measures of hard-to-employ categories of population in the field of care). In the dissertation, I argue that the process of formulating the legal and strategic framework of family policies in Serbia is under the influence of several factors. These factors are, above all, a global neoliberal economic, social and political transition from the welfare state to the workfare state, as well as the responses of regional (European Union) and local / semi-peripherial (Serbia) gender regimes to these processes. Therefore, the focus of gender analysis in the dissertation is the family policy of supporting the family in the potential "stretching and bending" of the meaning of gender equality (Lombardo et al., 2009), as well as in the mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion of the "voice" of individual actors in the decision-making process on the specific frameworks of these policies. Also, the creation of public policies in the private sphere is also seen within the theoretical framework and practical application of the concept of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989) and critical studies of men and masculinity (Hearn, 2004). In the dissertation, special attention is paid to the preconditions and criteria of successful implementation of the gender mainstreaming in the creation of public policies (Verloo, 2001). It reflects critically on the reception and implementation of the gender mainstreaming in Serbia, bearing in mind its transformative potential on the one hand, and on the other, the technocratic-bureaucratic approach of policymakers and decisionmakers. In particular, the dissertation analyzes the cooption of gender mainstreaming with other policy outcomes that often do not have to have as a goal gender equality, but for example, labor market competitiveness or an increase in the birth rate. Successful application of the gender mainstraming was specifically analyzed within the concept of state feminism (MacBride and Mazur, 2010), the process of EU accession, and in the context of the post-conflict, post-socialist semiperiphery society in Serbia (Blagojević, 2009). The ultimate goal of the research is to support decision-makers and policy makers in implementing informed decisions when shaping family policies in Serbia. At the same time, the disertation offers a useful insight into the processes, institutions and criteria that need to be met in order to transform the gender regimes and eliminate gender discrimination in the private and public sphere.